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Because we cannot do that without reassessing in depth, in great depth, our relationship with Russia. I know that I’ve taken up a lot of time. These tangible groups will help to tackle sectors which have been completely ignored until now. This approach, and the demands we place upon ourselves and others, must consequently be taken into account as we tackle major economic, industrial, and climate issues. It was even forbidden, not even considered. A revolution in terms of the Internet, social networks and now artificial intelligence – an incredible globalization of intelligence, technological progress taking place at an unprecedented speed. I believe France’s vocation corresponds to the needs of the present time – it means using the cards we’ve been dealt to try and influence this world order and not give in to any sense of inevitability; instead, to try and build a new order in which not only would we have a role to play, but so would our values and interests.That is why I believe in just one thing: a strategy of boldness, of risk-taking. That is what we decided to do in France with the choices the Prime Minister made with the ministers, so as to determine that in the most sensitive sectors, we needed to control the components and to prevent our telecommunications companies from being too dependent on certain technologies.In doing so we triggered a genuine European movement. However, above all this gives us back room for manoeuvre in the European arena. It is unprecedented. The purpose of this Forum is to bring together in Paris, at least once a year, renowned philosophers, think tanks, businesses and governments from around the world, to meet and establish a joint agenda. Which means that not everything we are doing now or will do in the future may succeed. We are not there yet. This strategy is set to continue with a considerable investment in trainer training. We have now convinced many others and I believe that we are going to finish the job in the coming weeks. But more broadly, I believe that what we want is to no longer have a relationship with Africa based on a sentiment of, or sometimes realities of, asymmetry. French election: What next for Macron … Europe will disappear. The India that is emerging, these new economies that are also becoming not just economic but political powers and which consider themselves, as some have noted, genuine civilization states and which have not just disrupted our international order, assumed a key role in the economic order, but have also very forcefully reshaped the political order and the political thinking that goes with it, with a great deal more inspiration than we have. We will not criticize the Chinese for being intelligent; we can criticize ourselves for being stupid. And I think that this is crucial when it comes to Europe. It is one of the biggest challenges in our contemporary diplomatic work. No, our strategy must be to reinvent a partnership, because we have sometimes made mistakes in the past. The work carried out by all of the ministries. I would like us to reallocate resources to this area and become more effective.The third priority I would like to discuss with you is that of establishing a renewed partnership with the Mediterranean region and Africa. The French spirit is a spirit of resistance with a universal calling. I do not think so, and if I were in the Russians’ shoes – which is always the question we must ask ourselves – I would pause for thought, because that great power, which invests a great deal in arming itself and frightens us so much, has the gross domestic product of Spain, a declining demographic, an ageing population and growing political tension. Because we used to say to all students in many countries, “Do you want to go into higher education? We do not accept the prevailing order for good reasons, and we succeed in rediscovering our deep-seated values. We have successfully defended copyrights but are working on a much more extensive project with regard to European heritage, culture and European knowledge. No concerted action has been taken until now.We have managed to mobilize industrial actors, but states must now make commitments to produce the regulatory changes that support this work. I believe this military sovereignty is essential, including in the context of the tension over arms control I mentioned earlier.Sovereignty also means the sovereignty we must rethink on our borders. And it is also gathering momentum because the consequences of this major upheaval are there every day. We can be proud of this, and I want to emphasize this here.Our diplomacy is also strong because we have a strong army, a strong state, and I think it is essential that we continue to reflect on ourselves. :P�ŧ�,X�ۃX�:�'!�{_2 N;�੘�$)3���� �8�BsBn]IN�y*�;M�O0��x���� ��� �3��b���. But if we lose control of everything, this sovereignty leads nowhere. Nor does Chinese civilization have the same collective preferences, to put it mildly, or the same values. And in order to play this role in major conflicts in a helpful way, as we did at the G7, we must fully embrace that form of independence that is essential to our diplomacy and strategic autonomy, and which presupposes rethinking in depth our relationship with certain powers. It rounds out European dialogue. But beyond that, on many global commons issues, we need to see results in the coming months.The most urgent is, of course, the climate and biodiversity. And they have been deeply affected by the mistakes made by Westerners in certain crises, by American decisions over the last several years which did not start with this administration, but have led us to re-examine certain involvements in conflicts in the Middle East and elsewhere, and to rethink fundamental diplomatic and military strategy and on occasion elements of solidarity which we thought were forever inalienable even though we had developed them together during periods of geopolitical significance, which have however now changed. 4 0 obj And so all of that has a major impact on us and reshuffles the cards. This European sovereignty is not an empty word. They understood this very well, they advanced, and so we cannot shun people when we are weak: we must choose an approach. Furthermore, we must continue the work we started to create new environmental rights, which has been blocked by many.The work we started after the working group chaired by Laurent Fabius to build this new international environmental law, and the demarche launched by France, must be resumed. We will continue to be stuck in conflicts throughout Europe. I also think that, if we wish to be at the epicentre of efforts to rethink major global trends and act usefully, we must work with civil society, and this is where we need to keep innovating.This is why, last year, I created the first Paris Peace Forum. And I truly believe that this technological revolution is resulting in economic as well as anthropological imbalances that we need to consider and regarding which we need to take action, otherwise we will develop an unintentional diplomacy and therefore run the risk of being quickly outdated. And it means rethinking our educational, production-related, social and environmental projects in our own country. And I have to say, it is our fault collectively. In July, I visited Serbia and some of you accompanied me. Our agenda must be consistent in this regard. But championing this European civilization, working to promote it at home and abroad, also means we must be making very strong diplomatic efforts on behalf of education, the climate and democracy; to be able to profoundly rethink the balances of the market economy, as we have begun to do; and to have a cultural agenda that underpins this ambition and this spirit.In order to achieve this, I would like us to collectively take action on five priority issues in the coming months, following up on what has been done over the past two years. Our problem is not the people who take to boats in Libya. Europe will disappear with the obliteration of this Western period, and the world will be centred around two main focal points: the United States and China. I believe that this strategy is absolutely essential, and it should also result in working together and reinvesting in linguistic sovereignty in Europe.I will not speak about Francophonie, of which I extensively spoke in March 2018 at the Académie Française. So we will try to vaguely do something about the environment but we must adapt to this order which is changing more quickly, carry out reforms in order to catch up with others, trying to not really change, not really exert any influence. At the same time, it must be said that while our relations have been based on mistrust, there are documented reasons for it. When the middle classes, which form the basis of our democracies, no longer have a fair share in it, they start to express doubts and are legitimately tempted by authoritarian regimes or illiberal democracies, or are tempted to question this economic system. But I think that we need to reinvest in bilateral dialogue. This is why we support ECOWAS as it moves towards a single currency, because up to now there have been obstacles from our perspective and tensions from theirs. And essentially say: We will continue with the same action in France and the same diplomatic action in this context. It should really lead us to see how we can rethink this balance within this system, which is not a French system but really a European and a global system, and how we can make openness, which I believe is essential, good for our country, in accordance with our values and our DNA by recapturing our share of control. They include coalitions on HFC gases, maritime transport and the textiles industry. I will not discuss all the geographical areas, I assure you, but I would like to cover a number of points that I was not able to discuss at length with you in my last two speeches and would now like to expound upon. I also think that pushing Russia away from Europe is a major strategic error, because we are pushing it either toward isolation, which heightens tensions, or toward alliances with other great powers such as China, which would not at all be in our interest. That is why I chose to invite Chancellor Merkel and President Juncker on that visit for the first time, and for the first time we had a genuine – not just Franco-Chinese but also Sino-European – strategic agenda.And I think it is essential to systematically bear this European approach in mind by working on the basis of three key priorities: an economic and trade agenda which is part of the multilateral framework but enables us to endorse full results, particularly in terms of reciprocity – that word is often forbidden in this context, but ultimately it is a reality, as our businesses know all too well, and we have interests to champion in several areas, from civil nuclear energy to agrifoods to aeronautics; a multilateral agenda focused on climate and biodiversity, and China has very much become our ally on this multilateral agenda, changing the game in an unprecedented way. This is essential. And here too, I am asking you to perform a difficult job, but one which I believe absolutely essential, to transform our own action, the relationship with our African partners and our methods.First by assisting Africa with its ongoing regional projects and integration – I believe we must play a part in this change. And it is also a sovereignty factor. And were it not for France’s quick decision to take action, were it not for the excellence of our armed forces, the situation would probably not be as it currently is in the Sahel. So new priorities are allocated 5% of our time. This is also why we have once again asked the African Union to work with us on every conflict, to lead operations and support this strategy of UN operations working in close partnership with the African Union. So we can draw inspiration and learn from our past mistakes. It will also be one of the priorities which runs deeply through the reform of the Agency for French Education Abroad which the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs will present to you in his speech. Basically, what I am asking you is to no longer be experts, but to be connoisseurs and friends of the people in the countries you are in, and inventors of a new kind of diplomacy. We must continue to make practical progress and work within coalitions on these issues.Firstly as regards financing: at the G7, I announced that we would be doubling France’s contribution to the Green Climate Fund. I think the last presidential visited dated back to 2001, which is crazy. Take back control. Why do we find ourselves in this situation? At President Essebsi’s funeral, I saw at first-hand the close ties between France and the people and the nation of Tunisia at this critical time. I will be as exacting as I am appreciative. This will be the responsibility of the Marseille summit and especially of the biodiversity COP in China. that we ourselves must take action and work in a different way with Africans for themselves, to think out their action with them and consider that the most advanced actions must be carried out with Africans in Africa. We are an enduring military and diplomatic power. So I strongly encourage you to embody this boldness and, to some extent, this wide-ranging freedom of action, in a very simple way.Firstly, I think it is essential to renew and enhance ties with civil society – as I know many of you are doing – in all of the areas in each of the countries where you represent France, and where bilateral relationships and our understanding of deeper issues are played out. We are abandoning, in innocence and silence, the arms control treaties that emerged at the end of the Cold War. I therefore believe that if we want to achieve proper results through this diplomacy of global commons, we must adopt this strong multilateralism, be present and strong within multilateral forums like we are at the UN, revitalize and innovate in forums that are in crisis such as the WTO. It is gathering momentum because our fellow citizens are far more aware of it and are pressing us to take action. But this only applies if we ourselves manage to reform the World Trade Organization. In wishing to revisit that relationship I am in no way naive. First, it should make us see that our habits and information are no longer valid. And I believe that this is fertile ground and I want us to embark on it together. This is what we are pursuing through constant dialogue with President Putin, and we will set up this working group to move forward on this common architecture. And we have shared destinies, despite the fact that we are also bound by dark chapters and suffering. We have allies in every part of the world, and we have an important ally in the United States of America, on the strategic and military fronts. I am obviously not talking about Africa’s emergence, which is being confirmed every day and is also resulting in far-reaching changes; I will also come back to that. We must very much intensify our work on it. Which means that everyone will also refrain from behaviours that could threaten that peace and stability. Britain was there, Germany, all the signatories. But this temptation is still there. Emmanuel Macron’s speech at the University of Ouagadougou. Together we must think up a cyber strategy; we are very far from doing so.Attacks occur every day, but we must be able to explain them in public without naivety, talk about this and tirelessly seek to rebuild an agenda of trust. It is the spirit of the Renaissance, the spirit of the Enlightenment. I say this to you because this is what I have been doing for the past two years. We must also continue the momentum generated by these tangible coalitions. It is all the people who come in via all our European neighbours, who have already started to seek asylum elsewhere and who come because we are quite a badly organized country in this respect, and we are not effective or humane enough on this. And obviously one of the decisive issues for making progress in this direction is our ability to make headway on the Russia-Ukraine conflict and therefore on implementing the Minsk agreements. I know what implications these decisions have in terms of organization and, sometimes, budget. Otherwise we will fall.Thirdly, the major upheaval we’re experiencing is obviously the technological revolution. Because our companies, even when we decide to protect them and take them forward, are dependent on the dollar. We understood this several years ago, and France adopted an effective environmental diplomacy with results such as those achieved at the COP21, which everyone credits us for, and the Paris climate agreement. This market economy, which was conceived in Europe by Europe, has been gradually drifting off course over the last few decades.First, it has become deeply financialized, and what was a market economy, which some people sometimes regarded as a social market economy, and which was at the heart of the equilibrium that we had conceived, has become an economy of accumulated wealth in which it must be said, financialization and technological changes have led to an increased concentration of wealth among the champions, i.e. We are in a Europe where we left the arms issue under the control of treaties that predated the end of the Cold War between the United States and Russia. I have made 20 bilateral visits to European Union countries in two years. As regards HFCs, which are far more polluting than CO2, we have also started an unprecedented strategy with industry stakeholders involving India. And make sure you have that operational effectiveness that establishes our credibility in building and encouraging initiatives everywhere, at the bilateral and multilateral levels, and in obtaining results. We also need to rethink our economic and financial sovereignty. I believe that together with a few of our allies, we will need to work innovatively to find an effective solution, and we are not there yet.I would simply like to speak briefly about the Southern Mediterranean region and Africa regarding this partnership. We achieved some initial results; they are fragile and great modesty is in order here, but in the bilateral discussion with Iran, it became possible to see a potential road forward with economic and financial compensation as well as additional demands. And therefore what I call a shift in outlook, i.e. There could thus be discrepancies. Excuse me for going into such detail on how things are done, but this is how we produce effective results.

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